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Katrin Kinzelbach

Associate Director, Global Public Policy Institute

Katrin Kinzelbach is associate director of the Global Public Policy Institute in Berlin and visiting professor at the School of Public Policy, Central European University in Budapest. Since July 2015, she also sits on the German government’s Advisory Board for Civilian Crisis Prevention.

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katrin_kinzelbach@hks.harvard.edu



Jia Xue

Fellow

Jia Xue is a fifth-year student in SP2’s Ph.D. program in Social Welfare, along with a dual Master’s degree in Statistics in Wharton. Her research is motivated by promoting social justice and improving the well-being of vulnerable individuals and families who are affected by intimate violence. Her career goal of promoting social justice began with her studies in Law School, and an internship in China’s Supreme Court. Her research has focused on intimate violence, dating violence in young adulthood, child abuse and gender-based violence in international and cross-cultural contexts. She has been committed to working collaboratively across multiple disciplines, including social policy, health, criminology and social work. She was a Carr Center Fellow from 2016 to 2017. 

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Rubenstein 113

jia_xue@hks.harvard.edu



Zachary D. Kaufman

Senior Fellow

Zachary D. Kaufman, J.D., Ph.D., focuses on international law and international relations, including U.S. foreign policy and national security; transitional justice; human rights; genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other mass atrocities; war crimes tribunals (including the International Criminal Court); social entrepreneurship; and the Great Lakes region of Africa (particularly Rwanda).... Read more about Zachary D. Kaufman

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zachary_kaufman@hks.harvard.edu

p: 203-809-8500



John Shattuck

Senior Fellow
Program Lead for Renewing Rights and Responsibilities
Professor of Practice in Diplomacy, Fletcher School, Tufts University

John Shattuck is Professor of Practice in Diplomacy at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, a Senior Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and chairs the international advisory board of the Center on Ethics, Justice and Public Life at Brandeis University. His many publications include Freedom on Fire, a study of the international response to genocide and crimes against humanity, Rights of Privacy, and many articles on democracy, human rights, civil liberties, international relations and higher education. 

Shattuck comes to the Carr Center after a distinguished career spanning more than three decades in higher education, international diplomacy, foreign policy and human rights. Shattuck served as the President and Rector of Central European University, CEO of the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation, a national public affairs center in Boston, and Senior Fellow at Tufts University, where he taught human rights and international relations.... Read more about John Shattuck

R-203

jhshattuck@gmail.com

p: 617-495-8450



William F. "Bill" Schulz

Senior Fellow

A Unitarian Universalist minister by training and former President of that denomination, Bill Schulz served as Executive Director of Amnesty International USA... Read more about William F. "Bill" Schulz



Ezgi Yildiz

Fellow

Ezgi Yildiz is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Carr Center, where she is affiliated with the Costs and Consequences of Torture Project. She holds a PhD in International Relations with a Minor in International Law (summa cum laude with distinction) from the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. She conducts interdisciplinary research on international relations and international law, and specializes in international courts and human rights with a focus on the European Court of Human Rights, and the prohibition of torture and inhuman or degrading treatment. Her research has been funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation’s Doc CH and Early Postdoc Mobility grants. She was a Carr Center Fellow from 2017 to 2019. 

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Alfredo Zamudio

Fellow

Alfredo Zamudio is the Director of the Nansen Center for Peace and Dialogue, based in Norway. Previously, he was the Director of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, the leading international body monitoring internal displacement worldwide. Zamudio has been working on human rights and humanitarian issues at a management level both nationally in Norway and internationally. Zamudio has worked for the Norwegian Refugee Council as country director in Timor Leste, in Darfur and Sudan and in Colombia, where he was international expert for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. He was a Carr Center Fellow from 2016 - 2018. 



Jia Xue. 6/5/2016. “Rape Myths and the Cross-Cultural Adaptation of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale in China.” Journal of Interpersonal Violence. See full text.Abstract

The study examines the similarities and differences between China and the United States with regard to rape myths.

 

We assessed the individual level of rape myth acceptance among Chinese university students by adapting and translating a widely used measure of rape myth endorsement in the United States, the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance (IRMA) scale. We assessed whether the IRMA scale would be an appropriate assessment of attitudes toward rape among young adults in China. The sample consisted of 975 Chinese university students enrolled in seven Chinese universities. We used explorative factor analysis to examine the factor structure of the Chinese translation of the IRMA scale. Results suggest that the IRMA scale requires some modification to be employed with young adults in China. Our analyses indicate that 20 items should be deleted, and a five-factor model is generated. We discuss relevant similarities and differences in the factor structure and item loadings between the Chinese Rape Myth Acceptance (CRMA) and the IRMA scales. A revised version of the IRMA, the CRMA, can be used as a resource in rape prevention services and rape victim support services. Future research in China that employs CRMA will allow researchers to examine whether individual’s response to rape myth acceptance can predict rape potential and judgments of victim blaming and community members’ acceptance of marital rape.



Zachary D. Kaufman. 4/7/2016. United States Law and Policy on Transitional Justice: Principles, Politics and Pragmatics, Pp. 382 pages. New York: Oxford University Press. See full text. Abstract

In United States Law and Policy on Transitional Justice: Principles, Politics, and Pragmatics, Zachary D. Kaufman, J.D., Ph.D., explores the U.S. government’s support for, or opposition to, certain transitional justice institutions.

 

By first presenting an overview of possible responses to atrocities (such as war crimes tribunals) and then analyzing six historical case studies, Dr. Kaufman evaluates why and how the United States has pursued particular transitional justice options since World War II. This book challenges the “legalist” paradigm, which postulates that liberal states pursue war crimes tribunals because their decision-makers hold a principled commitment to the rule of law. Dr. Kaufman develops an alternative theory—“prudentialism”—which contends that any state (liberal or illiberal) may support bona fide war crimes tribunals. More generally, prudentialism proposes that states pursue transitional justice options, not out of strict adherence to certain principles, but as a result of a case-specific balancing of politics, pragmatics, and normative beliefs. Dr. Kaufman tests these two competing theories through the U.S. experience in six contexts: Germany and Japan after World War II, the 1988 bombing of Pan Am flight 103, the 1990-1991 Iraqi offenses against Kuwaitis, the atrocities in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the 1994  genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Dr. Kaufman demonstrates that political and pragmatic factors featured as or more prominently in U.S. transitional justice policy than did U.S. government officials’ normative beliefs. Dr. Kaufman thus concludes that, at least for the United States, prudentialism is superior to legalism as an explanatory theory in transitional justice policymaking.



Michael Semple. 1/5/2015. Rhetoric, Ideology, and Organizational Structure of the Taliban Movement. Peaceworks. 102nd ed. Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace. See full text.Abstract

This report examines the evolution of the Taliban case for armed struggle and the minimal adjustments Taliban rhetoricians made to cope with the impending political change in Afghanistan in 2014. It considers how the Taliban might make a case for peace, should they take the political decision to engage in negotiations. 

 

The Taliban movement commands the loyalty of thousands of Afghans and applies resources and men to the pursuit of political objectives, guided by doctrine and inspired by rhetoric. Taliban rhetoric consists of religious and historical references, narratives of recent events, and guidance for Taliban sympathizers. The rhetoric asserts that the Taliban are engaged in a righteous jihad aimed at establishing a divinely ordered Islamic system in Afghanistan. Taliban doctrine focuses on internal affairs and in particular on maintaining cohesiveness. The Taliban are ruthless in enforcing their doctrine of obedience to the amir, or leader. The movement has retained a narrow social base, and its power is concentrated in the hands of mullahs from the Kandahari Pashtun tribes. Any project to build a plural Afghanistan is likely to include an appeal to the Taliban or the constituency they have mobilized. The Taliban’s own attempts to regain power rest on a negation of pluralism, rejection of a popular mandate, and assertion of the divine right vested in their Islamic emirate. A Taliban rhetoric of peace would require addressing the position of the Taliban’s amir, peace as a desirable state, the need for cohesiveness and unity in support of peace, celebration of the withdrawal of foreign troops, Islamic credentials of the government in Kabul, protection of those who sacrificed for the Taliban, peace as conclusion of the jihad, and the new role for the Taliban’s cadres. After 2014, the Taliban leadership is vulnerable to a hard-line challenge arguing that the political system in Kabul is irredeemably compromised by its collaboration with unbelievers.

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